Women in crisis

By SHARMILLA GANESAN, The Star, 14 October 2010

Sexual and reproductive health issues are a harsh reality of crisis-struck societies.

A NATIONAL crisis like the flash floods in Pakistan last month will naturally thrust a country into the international spotlight. As nations around the world start fundraising campaigns and humanitarian aid agencies move in to help mitigate the disastrous consequences, hopefully the problems can be alleviated with minimum impact on the people.

Championing SARA is currently fundraising to help victims of the flash floods in Pakistan.

Hidden away from the glare of the public eye, however, is an issue that afflicts thousands of people in post-disaster situations: sexual and reproductive health (SRH). Women in these areas often lack the most basic necessities that the rest of us take for granted.

From not having sanitary napkins or adequate birthing facilities, to rape and sexual exploitation, and getting pregnant when they don’t want to or contracting sexually-transmitted infections, the challenges for women in post-disaster situations are constant.

While such concerns may not seem pressing, particularly in regions already suffering from starvation and displacement, SRH-related issues are a harsh reality of crisis-struck societies. Yet, it is an area that still does not receive the attention it deserves from aid agencies or donors.

Local activist Nabila Nasir, 25, first had her eyes opened to the issues surrounding SRH in post-disaster situations when she volunteered in Acheh after the tsunami in 2004, and again, in Jogjakarta after the earthquake in 2006. She found that women kept talking to her about SRH issues. She realised that while these were very real problems, the women didn’t feel like they could speak openly about them.

Nabila Nasir

The issues encompass four main areas, namely, family planning, maternal and child health, sexually-transmitted infections and gender-based violence, including sexual violence. Among these concerns, international organisations have identified three main priority interventions: preventing sexual violence and providing medical care afterwards; care for pregnant women, especially emergency obstetric care; and prevention of HIV infections.

Hence, when the Pakistan floods occurred, Nabila’s immediate reaction was to provide aid that focused on SRH. With that in mind, she formed Championing SARA (SARA stands for Sexual And Reproductive health Awareness), a fundraising platform that also advocates the integration of SRH awareness into healthcare, medical and aid items sent to post-disaster and conflict situations.

“I wanted to show that you don’t have to work in the United Nations or have a degree in public policy to do something about a situation like this,” explains Nabila. “And since not a lot of people wanted to talk about (SRH), I thought I would.”

Besides writing to Malaysian response agencies and creating public awareness, Championing SARA is currently fundraising for money, drugs and supplies to assemble 10,000 clean delivery kits, 5,000 female hygiene kits and 5,000 male hygiene kits. Other items needed include soap, sanitary pads, hand towels, toothbrushes and toothpaste.

Nabila is hoping multinational companies and manufacturers will step forward to donate the necessary items; so far, Durex has contributed 20,000 condoms, while Cranberry Malaysia provided 10,000 medical latex gloves.

She realised, however, that highlighting these issues was fraught with challenges, especially since many people don’t understand the importance of dealing with SRH concerns.

Sarah Chynoweth

“I’ve received backlash from people who ask me why I’m sending the flood victims sanitary napkins and condoms when they lack food and medical care. What people need to understand is that SRH issues encompass much more than that. It’s also about empowering women to take charge of their own bodies, and about teaching them how to protect themselves,” Nabila explains.

The lack of support and understanding stems from the fact that people generally do not witness the problems associated with SRH. International Planned Parenthood Federation’s (East, South-East Asia and Oceania Region) sexual and reproductive health in emergencies adviser Sarah Chynoweth, 33, explains that many of the issues are “behind the scenes”.

“The reason for the lack of support and action is that you don’t see it. Unlike starvation, injuries and homelessness, concerns like childbirth, rape and HIV infections are not out in the open. Plus, it’s such a sensitive issue; most women won’t come out and say, ‘I was raped,’ or ‘I don’t want to be pregnant’,” she says.

She explains, however, that SRH-related problems increase during crises, while access to solutions becomes more difficult. And, SRH issues are the leading cause of death for women around the world.

“Any time there is a disruption in the social fabric (such as during a natural disaster), sexual violence increases. Women get pregnant when they don’t want to and can’t afford to be. They may be forced to sell their bodies for food or supplies because they’ve lost everything.

“The total vulnerability of people in a situation like this is hard to understand,” Chynoweth says.

She adds that cultural taboos make the topic a difficult one to broach, both to the affected community and potential donors.

“Condoms, for example, can be controversial, even though women may not want to get pregnant in the middle of the crisis, and need to protect themselves from sexually-transmitted infections. You will even hear people say, ‘We can’t deal with rape right now.’ But then, when should it be dealt with?” asserts Chynoweth, who has been working with reproductive health in emergencies for seven years.

She explains that SRH is often not part of emergency response teams’ training, and is usually seen as “women’s issue”.

“What we’re trying to show is that SRH is not separate; it should be part of the basic healthcare intervention. If you are a healthcare provider, you need to provide these services,” she says.

Nabila and Chynoweth both point out that people from every sector of emergency response need to be involved in dealing with SRH issues – even simple elements can make a big difference in women’s protection.

Separate shower stalls for men and women, for example, can help prevent sexual molestation; yet, many camps for disaster victims don’t have separate shower facilities. Proper lighting in all areas, which is lacking in many camps, is another simple step to provide protection for women.

Chynoweth points out that aid agencies should also think about potential exploitation when it comes to distributing food.

“Agencies often give food in really big bags, which women can’t carry. So men take it instead, which gives (them) the power to exploit women in return for the food,” she says. “Registration cards for rations are also usually given to the head of the family, who is usually a man. This, too, is open to abuse.”

Having women distributing aid would be one way to stem the problem. She also suggests that every adult be given a ration card. Another danger is when food rations don’t include fuel for cooking. Women are forced to then forage for brush or wood away from their living areas, which puts them at risk of rape.

Cultural norms also need to be considered when it comes to providing solutions. In Pakistan, for example, the majority of women only go to female healthcare workers for treatment. Therefore, even if there was a qualified male gynaecologist present, the women wouldn’t seek treatment from him.

“SRH is a human rights issue that needs to be incorporated across the board into all standards of emergency response. It’s not just a women’s issue, it’s a community issue,” says Chynoweth.

She also lauds Nabila’s efforts with Championing SARA, calling it a woman-to-woman approach.

“It’s essential to talk to the women to know the best ways to access and engage them. If not, it is likely that the efforts will fail. That is what is so great about Championing SARA: it is about the average Malaysian woman helping the average Pakistani woman,” she concludes.

>Championing SARA is raising funds till the end of the month. For details, e-mail championingsara@gmail.com, nabila.csara@gmail.com or visit championingsara.wordpress.com.

Haitian women demand role in rebuilding their country

NEW YORK — Almost three months after the Jan. 12 earthquake that devastated Haiti, women advocates and UN officials are increasingly worried that Haitian women are being sidelined in national relief and reconstruction efforts.

While a majority of Haitian women have shouldered the responsibility of meeting the needs of children, the elderly, orphans, homeless and thousands of newly disabled people, advocates say they often find themselves at the end of the line for needed aid, including access to food, water, supplies and medicine. Some do not even get the aid intended for them.

[Read more...]

The role of women in reconciliation and peace-building in Rwanda

Ten years after genocide 1994-2004

A study published by John Mutamba, MBA and Jeanne Izabiliza, MA in May 2005 defines the role women can play in the rebuilding of Rwanda and the challenges they face.

Excerpts from the study are included below. View the full document here.

PART ONE: STUDY CONTEXT

1. Background

Rwanda ranks among the 9 poorest countries in the world. It is a landlocked country, located at some 2,000 km from the Atlantic Ocean and at about 1,200 km from the Indian Ocean. Its surface is 26,338 sq. km of which 11% are covered with lakes and marshes, 6% with natural forests. The population is 8,128,553 inhabitants of whom 52.3% are women and 34% of the households are headed by women and the annual growth rate is 2.9%. The average population density is about 400 inhabitants per km.

Rwanda is a republic that is governed under a multiparty presidential system in the year 2000 the Gross Domestic Product per capita (GDP) was estimated at US $ 237 (about Rwf 123,240) per capita.1 In Rwanda, more than 60% of the population live below the poverty line.

Prior to the coming of colonialists and white missionaries towards the end of the 19th century, the Rwandan society was organized as a monarchy ruled by a supreme king or Umwami and the society had its own institutions and culture which united people of different social categories, Hutu, Tutsi and Twa to live in harmony.

The king who was identified as the cordon of cohesion performed the social functions and was considered as Umwami wa rubanda meaning the “King of the people”. The monarch was considered as the owner of all lands, cows, supreme chief of armies, the king stood as guarantor for land fertility. The monarch emerged from a consensus between the different social groups. He was above the social groups because he represented the nation in which all Rwandans recognised themselves.

“Umwami nta bwoko yagiraga, yari Umwami wa Rubanda rwose” meaning the king did not belong to any distinct social group, he was a king of all Banyarwanda”. They had one common language Kinyarwanda, one culture with values that promoted harmony, stability and peace. This is illustrated by the fact that there is no history of killings and genocide between the social groups of Banyarwanda.

Values such as patriotism, integrity, heroism, excellence, protection of those in need and who seek protection from imminent danger, preservation of life and certain taboos like killing children and women were inscribed in the Rwandan culture. All these cultural values were eroded with the advent of western culture, colonial

rule and the policies of post independence regimes.

The revolution of 1959 and the subsequent violence resulting in the killings of Batutsi and forcing thousands of others into exile set a precedent for eventual conflicts. When Rwanda got her independence in 1962, it was a country that was characterised by deep divisions as a result of the Belgian colonial legacy of divide and rule and marginalizing women in the social, economic and political fields. Girls’

education was introduced 40 years later, cash crops production was in the hands of men, formal and salaried employment was almost exclusively for men and the obligation of paying taxes laid squarely on men. These examples deepened further the marginalization of women’s status in terms of power structure, where women’s subordination became more institutionalized.

The post independence regimes pursued policies of discrimination in the context of the system of registration of persons in terms of ethnicity. Civic education and the education system, and employment denied the right of access or lack of it to some members of the Rwandan community and this deepened further the problems related to discrimination. This further deepened the cleavages and divisions that created the conditions for the genocide to be executed. Furthermore, since the beginning of the post– independence era in Rwanda, violence quickly became the backdrop for the country’s social and political life. The advent of a single party system reinforced this culture of violence. The institutionalization of a single party system of governance reinforced the culture of violence and impunity. Throughout this period, women’s role remained marginal and insignificant thus their diminishing role in the promotion of

peace.

In order to have a clear and realistic insight into the role of women in Rwanda have played in the peace building efforts, it is useful to look at the events of 1994 genocide and their aftermath. The war and genocide affected men and women differently. It is estimated that more than 250,000 Rwandan women and girls were victims of some form of sexual violence. Most of the people who died, who never returned to Rwanda after fleeing, or who were imprisoned on charges of genocide were men. Thus,

many war widows and other single women survived to care for families alone, to take in orphans, and to assume duties traditionally carried out in patriarchal Rwanda by men.

The 1994 genocide and events after have had tremendous effects whose ramifications are felt in the country and outside its borders. Another important milestone of the government of Rwanda is the promotion of gender equality and

women’s empowerment as a prerequisite for sustainable peace and development. This is echoed in the words of President Paul Kagame while officially opening a gender –training workshop for Parliamentarians in 1999.

“The abrupt shift to monetary economy, formal education and modern technology played a key role in restructuring gender relations to the disadvantage of women. These imbalances are not only an obstacle to the country’s development but constitute a form of social injustice. It is imperative to our lawmakers, policy makers and implementers to have an objective and correct analysis of the gender question in order to design appropriate corrective policies and programmes. The question of gender equality in our society needs a clear and critical evaluation in order to come up with concrete strategies to map the future development in which men and

women are true partners and beneficiaries. My understanding of gender is that it is an issue of good governance, good economic management and respect of human rights”

The uniqueness of the Rwandan genocide unlike the genocides of Jews or Armenians was planned and executed by the Rwandan people against their fellow citizens, the main actors being the political, military and religious elite. Traditionally women as a social category generally did not go into active service in war

nor did they participate in any form of war instead they were the most credible agents of peace, supporters and nurturers of life. In the Rwandan genocide, some women played an active role in planning and executing the genocide and as a result, some children got involved in the killing of fellow children, raping women, women killing their own children and husbands, men killing their own and children and relatives. Literature on conflict in other countries shows that during and immediately after

the conflict there is an expansion of women’s roles in the public arena that is often followed by a decrease in women’s opportunities and a retraction of women’s space for public action in the post conflict stages of reconstruction. However, in the case of Rwanda, women’s participation in the public space has actually expanded in the last ten years. This grim picture of the country’s situation in 1994 is vividly articulated in the speech by President Paul Kagame at the Commonwealth Club, San Francisco on March 7, 2003.

“Most survivors of the genocide in Rwanda had not one but two brushes with death and most saw first-degree relatives killed and many sustained dreadful wounds themselves. When the Government of National Unity took over in 1994, Rwanda was in utter anarchy. There was total displacement of the population. Over 3 million people had sought refugee in neighbouring countries, and many more were internally displaced. There were countless numbers of orphans, widows and widowers, thousands of handicapped people and generally a very vulnerable population. A cloud of insecurity loomed over Rwanda, as the former soldiers and the militia reorganised themselves, intent on continuing their genocidal campaign with the support of the then Zaire, now Democratic Republic of Congo.

Law and order had completely broken down. Large-scale atrocities were still going on in parts of the country. All national law enforcement agencies and judicial institutions had ceased to exist and the system of administration of justice had come to a complete standstill. Social and economic infrastructure was in a state of collapse. Neither schools nor hospitals were functioning. The civil service had been decimated or its membership had fled into exile. Genocide and its aftermath in our country demand an understanding of the context as well as the facts that have shaped our society in a long history that spans centuries”.

The nature and mode of execution of the 1994 genocide left the Rwandan cultural and moral fabric torn into shambles. Values and taboos that were held sacrosanct in the Rwandan society were defiled and trampled upon by those who were supposed to protect them. In a country where 90% are Christians and the church not only exerts a spiritual influence on the majority of the population like nowhere else and it

also constitutes an indisputable socio-economic force. Here lies the big challenge of reconstructing peace and reconciliation in the Rwandan context and calls for unique solutions.

The 1994 genocide that claimed more than one million innocent lives and destroyed the country’s socioeconomic and political infrastructure had some unique features which among other things make the process of healing the country extremely difficult. The speed and ferocity with which the genocide was executed left the country almost entirely destroyed. With over a million people dead and unburied, and close to three million people driven into exile, the economy in shambles and no functioning state

institutions, it left hundreds of thousands of orphans and widows, and 150,000 suspects of genocide awaiting trials. The population was highly traumatized and deeply divided where hatred and mistrust reigned high. “The war and genocide shattered the dense local friendship networking and community solidarity that had traditionally existed……former solace and support for women and neighbours and

former friends turned into enemies”.

The 1994 genocide had terrible consequences on the people of Rwanda and the society as a whole. Besides the loss of one million people in a period of three months, a destroyed economy, millions fleeing into exile with many of them being taken as hostages by the ex-FAR (former Rwandan government forces) and the Interahamwe (militia who participated in the genocide), and over 120,000 persons

detained in jails with very poor legal infrastructure and limited human resources, the Rwandan genocide shattered the dense local friendship networks and community solidarity that had traditionally provided solace and support for women. Particularly dispensing speedy and fair trials to the thousands of suspects of 1994 genocide and rendering justice to the families of survivors will contribute to break the culture of impunity.

There are thousands of women who are victims of rape, trauma, physical injuries, and above all social trust has dissolved. Abject poverty is still high and it is affecting mainly women from the rural areas. High rates of HIV/Aids where more than 250,000 women were raped, sixty six percent of women who were raped tested positive and other infectious diseases coupled with limited health facilities remain high. This situation had an impact not only on the mental health of women but also their physical well-being. Most of the survivors of the genocide the majority of who happen to be women experience serious economic deprivation. The level of mistrust among the families of those who survived the genocide and those whose relatives are suspected to have committed genocide is still high and deep rooted.

Women in decision-making

Historically, women’s participation in politics and decision-making in Rwanda has been insignificant, specifically in high echelons although in the pre-colonial period, women in Rwanda played an important role in the country’s governance through the institution of the queen mother.

After the destructive genocide of 1994, there was a great need to mobilize and guide the population to reconstruct its own lives as well as their communities and country. Rwandese women in different positions of leadership played critical roles in mobilizing fellow women to live together and to find common solutions to their own problems and those of their country. Examples of Unity club, forum of Rwandan Women Parliamentarians.

The Government of Rwanda demonstrated its will to give women the trust and responsibility of rebuilding the nation by appointing them to all positions of leadership and responsibility in society. For example, women are serving in the executive, legislative and judiciary arms of the government.

● In the last ten years women have stood as exemplary leaders at policy level as well as community level. The mere presence of women in cabinet, parliament, judiciary, and all spheres of life served as role models and also helped to develop confidence among women and this opened up women’s role in decision making.

● Women worked together to forge solidarity, and unity among themselves as the first step forward mobilization of other women for example the Unity Club as a forum of top women leaders and spouses of top leaders in government aimed at creating unity among themselves; and then be able to preach the message of unity and reconciliation among the communities.

● They conducted concrete activities such as helping orphans, fostering them, supporting victims of famine and flood and always championing unity as their goal.

The forum of Rwandese women leaders’ caucus also started as a caucus that brings women from different backgrounds together. They were able to lobby together and influence enacting of laws that protect and promote the rights of women. For example the inheritance law, the law on the rights of the child, the rights of women at the place of work, etc.

Besides, the caucus of women parliamentarians were able to advocate for women rights and gender equality and also mobilized grassroots women to contribute to the making of the constitution so that the issues of gender equality takes centre stage and at the same time monitor the budget and ensure that the budget addresses the needs of women and men.

● Women leadership was demonstrated by the setting up women structures, which came to be known as National women councils. National women councils provided platform to enable women gain visibility and be able to contribute to national debate and influence policy development and democratic processes of the country. For example mobilize fellow women to participate in Gacaca courts, decentralisation, poverty reduction processes, fighting HIV/AIDS pandemic and dealing with the consequences of the 1994 genocide.

Research shows that women can influence peace and reconciliation if they are empowered to participate and taking major decisions at community, local, national and international levels. The government of Rwanda has in the last ten years put in place several measures to ensure that women are given to fully participate in decision making in different organs.

The government has put in place a legal framework facilitating national women councils to provide a forum through which women exchange views on national issues and the overall development of the country. Through these councils, women have been able to make input into national policies and programmes. These include Vision 2020, PRSP, the decentralization policy, the national Land Bill, the land policy, the Succession law, the traditional participatory system of justice (Gacaca courts) and many other areas of critical importance to peace building including the new constitution.

● It is worth noting that the decentralization favours the representation of women at the various administrative levels: a department in charge of gender issues has been set up at the district and provincial level; likewise, women’s representatives become automatic members of the consultative committees at the level of the secteur and cellule.

● The Constitution of Rwanda stipulates a minimum representation of women at decision-making bodies of at least 30%;

● Sensitisation campaigns have been organized to encourage the high participation of women in decision making bodies;

● Private universities offer evening classes attended by a significant number of women, thereby enabling them to acquire the training that will enable them to compete for decision-making posts;

● An association for the promotion of the Rwandan women participation in decision-making organs, the Rwanda Women Leaders Caucus was created in July 2002.13

It is worth noting that the President of the Supreme Court of Rwanda is a woman and the minister of justice is also a woman, as well as the executive secretary of the Gacaca courts. Of the 12 judges in the Supreme Court, 5 are women or a representation of 41.7%. Further, at the local administration level, under the decentralization arrangement, women occupy 26% of the posts on the executive councils of each province.

Although tangible improvements in terms of women empowerment have been registered since 1994, their participation in the various domains of national development is still low. Challenges remain in the areas of limited experience and capacity, as well as overcoming the mentality of negative attitude towards women’s role in politics and decision-making. This is further compounded by the gender-based

division of labour where women are still over-burdened with a lot of responsibilities and very high expectations from society.

Why focus on women?

Why women in peace building and reconciliation process?

There are strong reasons why women in Rwanda should be in the peace process:

● The war and genocide had disproportionately strong impact on women, as rape and genocide survivors, widows, and heads of households and care takers of orphans. That is the position of women as victims and participants in the genocide and their unique post conflict needs.

● Their long experiences in their role as peacemakers, women in the family as mothers, wives and sisters where they prefer problem solving through open communication, honest discussions of differences and dialogue among all concerned parties. They are used to resolving disputes through the best means of ensuring that at least some of the concerns of all conflicting parties are met – a win/win situation – a family model which seeks fairness and reconciliation rather than victory and retribution.

Further, as bearers of life, women can offer a special perspective and experience which will help to overcome prevailing life-destroying methods of dealing with human problems and conflicts. Since military conflicts and diplomacy, which have traditionally been exclusively orchestrated by men, have failed to be

a reliable system to safeguard peace, the inclusion of women in all stages of the peace process becomes imperative.

● The Government of Rwanda is strongly committed to the promotion of gender equality in all aspects of national development including the critical area of peace

● and reconciliation “The Rwandan government made women’s inclusion a hallmark of its postgenocide recovery and reconstruction program”

● This assessment of women’s contribution to peace and reconciliation is timely as Rwanda looks forward to the next decade after the genocide. New direction and impetus on the functioning of the National Unity and Reconciliation commission should be equally important is the fact that the international community, countries in the sub region particularly where conflicts are rife or have came out of conflict, this study will provide best practices and models from which to draw lessons.

● The findings from this study will inform policy formulation of the National Unity and Reconciliation Commission; so as to ensure a strong focus interventions aimed at strengthening women’s participation and contribution in peace building and reconciliation processes.

● The data from this study will go a long way in increasing the visibility of women’s role in peace building and reconciliation as well as highlighting the key issues affecting women that need stronger advocacy in the future.

RHRC Statement on the Situation in Pakistan

Needs of Women and Girls Must be Addressed in Pakistan Flood Response and Recovery

As a consortium of organizations dedicated to the promotion of health among all persons affected by crisis, we call attention to the lifesaving reproductive health services needed by women and young people displaced by the Pakistan flood.

[Read more...]

These Women Want to Silence all the Guns, Whether Indonesian or Acehnese

Oct – Dec 2000, By Suraiya Kamaruzzaman

Aceh is rich in natural resources. Large corporations moved into North Aceh following the discovery of natural gas. Related industries spread through the Greater Aceh region (Aceh Besar). Outsiders dominated these huge corporations. Their displays of wealth alienated the Acehnese, who were largely excluded from the economic gains of industrialisation.

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How are women’s rights being defended in Aceh, Indonesia?

An interview with Suraiya Kamaruzzaman, a human rights activist and one of the founders of Flower Aceh, the first women’s group set up by Acehnese women to deal with the consequences of the Indonesian army’s violent crackdown on the Aceh Freedom Movement (GAM)

By AWID (Association for Women’s Rights in Development), February 2008 [Read more...]

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